Tag Archives: yellow fever vaccine

Vaccine Research using Children

Children have been used in vaccine research since its very beginning, usually said to have been in 1796, when Edward Jenner inoculated 8-year-old James Phipps with cowpox, and then challenged young James with actual smallpox (1). However, earlier, in 1789, Jenner inoculated his own 10-month-old son, Edward Jr., with swinepox. Edward Jr. then came down with a pox disease, which he fortunately recovered from. His father then challenged him with smallpox.

Edward Jr. survived his exposure to smallpox. But, since Edward Sr. wanted to determine the duration of young Edward’s protection, he again challenged his son with smallpox in 1791, when the boy was two.  Edward Sr. inoculated his son yet again with smallpox when the boy was three. Fortunately, young Edward was resistant to each of the smallpox challenges his father subjected him to.

Jenner used several other young children in his experiments, including his second son, Robert, who was 11-months-old at the time. One of the children in Jenner’s experiments died from a fever; possibly caused by a microbial contaminant in an inoculum. [Microbes were not known in the late 18th century.]

We have no record of how Jenner (or his wife) felt about his use of his own children. However, there is reason to believe that Jenner felt some remorse over his use of James Phipps, who he referred to as “poor James.” Jenner looked after Phipps in later years, eventually building a cottage for him; even planting flowers in front of it himself.

By the 20th century, some of the most esteemed medical researchers were using children—in institutions for the mentally deficient—to test new drugs, vaccines, and even surgical procedures. These institutions were typically underfunded and understaffed. Several of them were cited for neglecting and abusing their residents. Moreover, their young patients were usually from poor families, or were orphans, or were abandoned. Thus, many of the children had no one to look out for their interests. In addition, research at these institutions was hidden from the public. [The goings-on at these institutions were, in general, hidden from the public, and most of the public likely preferred it that way.] Federal regulations that might have protected the children were not yet in existence, and federal approval was not even required to test vaccines and drugs.

In the early 1940s, Werner Henle, of the University of Pennsylvania, used children at Pennhurst—a Pennsylvania facility for the mentally deficient—in his research to develop an influenza vaccine. [Pennhurst was eventually  infamous for its inadequate staffing, and for neglecting and abusing its patients (2). It was closed in 1987, after two decades of federal legal actions.] Henle would inoculate his subjects with the vaccine, and then expose them to influenza, using an oxygen mask fitted to their faces.

Pennhurst, a state-funded Pennsylvania facility for the mentally deficient, was one of the most shameful examples of the neglect and mistreatment that was common at these institutions. It was the site of Werner Henle’s research in the 1940s to develop an influenza vaccine.
Pennhurst, a state-funded Pennsylvania facility for the mentally deficient, was one of the most shameful examples of the neglect and mistreatment that was common at these institutions. It was the site of Werner Henle’s research in the 1940s to develop an influenza vaccine.

Henle’s vaccine did not protect all of his subjects. Moreover, it frequently caused side effects. Additionally, Henle maintained (correctly?) that a proper test of a vaccine must include a control group (i.e., a group exposed to the virus, but not to the vaccine). Thus, he deliberately exposed unvaccinated children to influenza. Children who contracted influenza had fevers as high as 104o F, as well as typical flu-like aches and pains.

Despite Henle’s investigations at Pennhuerst, he was a highly renowned virologist, best known for his later research on Epstein Barr virus. See Aside 1.

      [Aside 1: While Henle was researching his influenza vaccine at Pennhurst, Jonas Salk concurrently worked on an influenza vaccine, using adult residents (ranging in age from 20 to 70 years) at the Ypsilanti State School in Michigan.]

Next, consider Hilary Koprowski, an early competitor of Jonas Salk and Albert Sabin in the race to develop a polio vaccine (3). By 1950, Koprowski was ready to test his live polio vaccine in people. [That was four years before Sabin would be ready to do the same with his live polio vaccine.] Koprowski had already found that his vaccine protected chimpanzees against polio virus. And, he also tested his vaccine on himself. Since neither he nor the chimpanzees suffered any ill effects, Koprowski proceeded to test his vaccine on 20 children at Letchworth Village for mentally disabled children, in Rockland County, NY.  [Like Pennhurst, Letchworth Village too was cited for inadequately caring for its residents.]  Seventeen of Koprowski’s inoculated children developed antibodies to the virus, and none developed complications.

Koprowski did not initiate his association with Letchworth. Actually, Letchworth administrators, fearing an outbreak of polio at the facility, approached Koprowski, requesting that he vaccinate the children. Koprowski gave each child “a tablespoon of infectious material” in half a glass of chocolate milk (4). Koprowski never deliberately infected the Letchworth children with virulent virus.

Koprowski reported the results of his Letchworth studies at a 1951 conference of major polio researchers, attended by both Salk and Sabin. When Koprowski announced that he actually had tested a live vaccine in children, many conferees were stunned, even horrified. Sabin shouted out: “Why did you do it? Why? Why (4)?” See Aside 2.

      [Aside 2: In the 1930s, Canadian scientist Maurice Brodie tested a killed polio vaccine in twelve children, who supposedly had been “volunteered by their parents (4).” For a short time Brodie was hailed as a hero. However, too little was known at the time for Brodie to ensure that his formaldehyde treatment had sufficiently inactivated the live polio virus. Consequently, Brodie’s vaccine actually caused polio in several of the children. After this incident, most polio researchers could not conceive of ever again testing a polio vaccine, much less a live one, in children.]

Neither Koprowski nor Letchworth Village administrators notified New York State officials about the tests. Approval from the state would seem to have been required, since Koprowski later admitted that he was certain he would have been turned down. And, it is not clear whether Koprowski or the school ever got consent from the parents to use their children. However, recall there were not yet any federal regulations that required them to do so.

Koprowski was untroubled by the uproar over his use of the Letchworth children, arguing that his experiments were necessary. Yet he later acknowledged: “if we did such a thing now we’d be put on jail…” But, he added, “If Jenner or Pasteur or Theiler (see Aside 2) or myself had to repeat and test our discoveries [today], there would be no smallpox vaccine, no rabies vaccine, no yellow fever vaccine, and no live oral polio vaccine.”  Moreover, he maintained that, secret or not, his use of the Letchworth children fit well within the boundaries of accepted scientific practice.

   [Aside 2: Nobel laureate Max Theiler developed a vaccine against yellow fever in 1937; the first successful live vaccine of any kind (5). Theiler formulated a test for the efficacy of his vaccine, which did not involve exposing humans to virulent virus. Sera from vaccinated human subjects were injected into mice, which were then challenged with the Yellow Fever virus.]

Koprowski referred to the Letchworth children as “volunteers (6).” This prompted the British journal The Lancet to write: “One of the reasons for the richness of the English language is that the meaning of some words is continually changing. Such a word is “volunteer.” We may yet read in a scientific journal that an experiment was carried out with twenty volunteer mice, and that twenty other mice volunteered as controls.” See Aside 3.

     [Aside 3: Koprowski was a relatively unknown scientist when he carried out his polio research at Letchworth. He later became a renowned virologist, having overseen the development of a rabies vaccine that is still used today, and having pioneered the use of therapeutic monoclonal antibodies. Yet, he is best remembered for developing the world’s first effective polio vaccine; several years before Salk and Sabin brought out their vaccines.

   Most readers of the blog are aware that the Salk and Sabin vaccines are credited with having made the world virtually polio-free. What then became of Koprowski’s vaccine? Although it was used on four continents, it was never licensed in the United States. A small field trial of Koprowski’s vaccine in 1956, in Belfast, showed that its attenuated virus could revert to a virulent form after inoculation into humans. Yet a 1958 test, in nearly a quarter million people in the Belgian Congo, showed that the vaccine was safe and effective. Regardless, the vaccine’s fate was sealed in 1960, when the U.S. Surgeon General rejected it on safety grounds, while approving the safer Sabin vaccine. Personalities and politics may well have played a role in that decision (3, 4).

  Interestingly, Sabin developed his vaccine from a partially attenuated polio virus stock that he received from Koprowski. It happened as follows. In the early 1950s, when Koprowski’s polio research was further along than Sabin’s, Sabin approached Koprowski with the suggestion that they might exchange virus samples. Koprowski generously sent Sabin his samples, but Sabin never reciprocated.

   Koprowski liked to say: “I introduce myself as the developer of the Sabin poliomyelitis vaccine (7).” He and Sabin had a sometimes heated adversarial relationship during the time when their vaccines were in competition. But they later became friends.]

Sabin was at last ready to test his polio vaccine in people during the winter of 1954-1955. Thirty adult prisoners, at a federal prison in Chillicothe, Ohio, were the subjects for that first test in humans. [The use of prisoners also raises ethical concerns.]

Recall Sabin’s public outcry in 1951 when Koprowski announced that he used institutionalized children to test his polio vaccine. In 1954, Sabin sought permission to do the very same himself; asserting to New York state officials: “Mentally defective children, who are under constant observation in an institution over long periods of time, offer the best opportunity for the careful and prolonged follow-up studies…”

Although Sabin had already tested his attenuated viruses in adult humans (prisoners), as well as in monkeys and chimpanzees, the National Foundation for Infantile Paralysis, which funded polio research in the pre-NIH days of the 1950s, blocked his proposal to use institutionalized children. Thus, Sabin again used adult prisoners at the federal prison in Ohio. With the concurrence of prison officials, virtually every inmate over 21 years-old “volunteered,” in exchange for $25 each, and a possible reduction in sentence. None of the prisoners in the study became ill, while all developed antibodies against polio virus.

Testing in children was still a necessary step before a polio vaccine could be administered to children on a widespread basis. But, Sabin’s vaccine could not be tested in children in the United States. Millions of American children had already received the killed Salk vaccine, and the National Foundation for Infantile Paralysis was not about to support another massive field trial of a vaccine, in children, in the United States (3).

Then, in 1959, after a succession of improbable events, 10 million children in the Soviet Union were vaccinated with Sabin’s vaccine (3). The Soviets were so pleased with the results of that massive trial that they next vaccinated all seventy-seven million Soviet citizens under 20 years-of-age with the Sabin vaccine. That figure vastly exceeded the number of individuals in the United States, who were vaccinated with the rival Salk vaccine during its field trials.

Next up, we have Nobel laureate John Enders who, in the 1950’s, oversaw the development of the first measles vaccine. Enders and co-workers carried out several trials of their attenuated measles vaccine; first in monkeys and then in themselves. Since the vaccine induced an increase in measles antibody titers, while causing no ill effects, they next tested it in severely handicapped children at the Walter E. Fernald State School near Waltham, Massachusetts.

Enders seemed somewhat more sensitive than either Henle or Koprowski to the ethics of using institutionalized children. Samuel L. Katz, the physician on Enders’ team, personally explained the trial to every Fernald parent, and no child was given the vaccine without written parental consent. [Federal guidelines requiring that step still did not exist.] Also, no child was deliberately infected with virulent measles virus.

Katz personally examined each of the inoculated Fernald children every day. None of these children produced measles virus, while all of them developed elevated levels of anti-measles antibodies. Also, the Fernald School had been experiencing severe measles outbreaks before the Enders team vaccinated any of its children. But, when the next measles outbreak struck the school, all of the vaccinated children were totally protected.

In 1963, the Enders vaccine became the first measles vaccine to be licensed in the United States. Several years later it was further attenuated by Maurice Hilleman (8) and colleagues at Merck. In 1971, it was incorporated into the Merck MMR (measles, mumps, and rubella) vaccine. See Aside 4.

    [Aside 4: Before Enders carried out his measles investigations he pioneered the growth of viruses in tissue culture. In 1949, Enders, and collaborators Thomas Weller and Frederick Robbins, showed that poliovirus could be cultivated in the laboratory. This development was crucial, allowing Salk and Sabin to grow a virtually unlimited amount of polio virus and, consequently, to develop their polio vaccines. In 1954, Enders, Weller, and Robbins were awarded the Nobel Prize for Physiology or Medicine for their polio virus work.]

It may surprise some readers that before the mid 1960s the so-called Nuremburg Code of 1947 comprised the only internationally recognized ethical guidelines for experimentation on human subjects. The Nuremburg Code was drawn up by an American military tribunal during the trial of 23 Nazi physicians and scientists for atrocities they committed while carrying out so-called “medical” experiments during World War II. [Sixteen of the 23 Nazis on trial at Nuremburg were convicted, and 7 of these were executed (see Note 1)].

The Nuremberg Code’s Directives for Human Experimentation contained strongly stated guidelines. Its tenets included the need to obtain informed consent (interpreted by some to prohibit research using children), the need to minimize the risks to human subjects, and the need to insure that any risks are offset by potential benefits to society.

But, despite the well-articulated principles of the Nuremberg Code, it had little effect on research conduct in the United States. Federal rules, with the authority to regulate research conduct, would be needed for that. So, how did our current federal oversight of research come to be?

A 1996 paper in the The New England Journal of Medicine, “Ethics and Clinical Research,” by physician Henry Beecher, brought to the fore the need for rules to protect human subjects in biomedical research (9). Beecher was roused to write the paper in part by the early 1960s experiments of Saul Krugman, an infectious disease expert at NYU. Krugman used mentally deficient children at the Willowbrook State School in Staten Island, New York, to show that hepatitis A and hepatitis B are distinct diseases (9). Also, before a hepatitis vaccine was available, Krugman inoculated the children with serum from convalescing individuals, to ask whether that serum might protect the children against hepatitis. Krugman exposed the children to live virus either by injection, or via milkshakes seeded with feces from children with hepatitis.

Krugman found that convalescent sera indeed conferred passive immunity to hepatitis. Next, he discovered that by infecting passively protected patients with live hepatitis virus he could produce active immunity. Krugman had, in fact, developed the world’s first vaccine against hepatitis B virus (HBV) (see Aside 4). [Although Krugman used mentally deficient institutionalized children in his experiments, his investigations were nonetheless funded in part by a federal agency; the Armed Forces Epidemiology Section of the U.S. Surgeon General’s Office.]

         [Aside 4: The first hepatitis B vaccine licensed for widespread use was developed at Merck, based on principles put forward by Nobel Laureate Baruch Blumberg, (10).]

Beecher was particularly troubled by two aspects of Krugman’s experiments. First, Krugman infected healthy children with live virulent virus. Beecher maintained that it is morally unacceptable to deliberately infect any individual with an infectious agent, irrespective of the potential benefits to society. [See reference 11 for an alternative view. “The ethical issue is the harm done by the infection, not the mere fact of infection itself.”]

Second, Beecher charged that the Willowbrook School’s administrators coerced parents into allowing their children to be used in Krugman’s research. The circumstances were as follows. Because of overcrowding at the school, Willowbrook administrators closed admission via the usual route. However, space was still available in a separate hepatitis research building, thereby enabling admission of additional children who might be used in the research.

Were the Willowbrook parents coerced into allowing their children to be used in the research there? Consider that the parents were poor and in desperate need of a means of providing care for their mentally impaired children. Making admission of the children contingent on allowing them to be used in the research might well be viewed as coercion. Yet even today, with federal guidelines now in place to protect human subjects, institutions such as the NIH Clinical Center admit patients who agree to participate in research programs. Is that coercion?

Beecher’s 1966 paper cited a total of 22 instances of medical research that Beecher claimed were unethical (9). Four examples involved research using children. Krugman’s work at Willowbrook was the only one of these four examples that involved vaccine research. Beecher’s other examples involved research using pregnant women, fetuses, and prisoners. But it was Beecher’s condemnation of Krugman’s hepatitis research at Willowbrook that is mainly credited with stirring debate over the ethics of using children in research.

Did Krugman deserve Beecher’s condemnation? Before Krugman began his investigations at Willowbrook, he plainly laid out his intentions in a 1958 paper in the New England Journal of Medicine (12). Importantly, Krugman listed a number of ethical considerations, which show that he did not undertake his Willowbrook investigations lightly. In fact, Krugman’s ethical considerations, together with his plans to minimize risks to the children, were not unlike the assurances one might now submit to an institutional review board (11).

Many (but not all) knowledgeable biomedical researchers claimed that Beecher misunderstood Krugman’s research and, thus, unjustly vilified him. Krugman was never officially censored for his Willowbrook investigations. Moreover, condemnation of Krugman did not prevent his election in 1972 to the presidency of the American Pediatric Society, or to his 1983 Lasker Public Service Award.

To Beecher’s credit, his 1966 paper was instrumental in raising awareness of the need to regulate research using human subjects. Beecher was especially concerned with the protection of children and, apropos that, the nature of informed consent.

In 1974, the National Research Act was signed into law, creating the National Commission for the Protection of Human Subjects of Biomedical and Behavioral Research. The basic ethical principles identified by the Commission are summarized in its so-called Belmont Report, issued in 1978. Its tenets include minimizing harm to all patients, and the need to especially protect those with “diminished autonomy” or who are incapable of “self-determination.”  In addition, federal guidelines now require universities and other research institutions to have Institutional Review Boards to protect human subjects of biomedical research. [Reference 13 (available on line) contains a detailed history of the establishment of these policies.]  See Aside 6.

      [Aside 6: The infamous U.S. Public Health Service Tuskegee syphilis research program, conducted between 1932 and 1972, in which several hundred impoverished black men were improperly advised and never given appropriate treatment for their syphilis, also raised public awareness of the need to protect human subjects. More recently, research involving embryonic stem cells and fetuses has stoked an ongoing and heated public debate. Policies regarding this research are still not settled, with stem-cell research being legal in some states, and a crime in others. Other recent technological advances, such as DNA identification and shared databases, have been raising new concerns, such as the need to protect patient privacy. In response to these new developments, in June 2016, the US National Academies of Sciences, Engineering and Medicine released a report proposing new rules (indeed a complete overhaul of the 1978 Belmont Report) to deal with these circumstances. The Academy’s report has stirred debate in the biomedical community]

Note 1: The use of children in medical research makes many of us profoundly uneasy. We may be particularly troubled by accounts of the exploitation of institutionalized children, who comprised a uniquely defenseless part of society. Indeed, it was the very vulnerability of those children that made it possible for them to be exploited by researchers. Consequently, some readers may well be asking whether the activities of vaccine researchers Krugman, Koprowski, Sabin, Henle and others might have been comparable to that of the Nazis on trial at Nuremberg. So, I offer this cautionary interjection. While in no way condoning the vaccine researchers using institutionalized children, their work was carried out for the sole purpose of saving human lives. As Koprowski suggested above, if not for that work, we might not have vaccines against smallpox, rabies, yellow fever, and polio. Now, consider Josef Mengele, a Nazi medical officer at Auschwitz, and the most infamous of the Nazi physicians. [Mengele was discussed several times at Nuremberg, but was never actually tried. Allied forces were convinced at the time that he was dead, but he had escaped to South America.] At Auschwitz, Mengele conducted germ warfare “research” in which he would infect one twin with a disease such as typhus, and then transfuse that twin’s blood into the other twin. The first twin would be allowed to die, while the second twin would be killed so that the organs of the two children might then be compared. Mengele reputedly killed fourteen twin children in a single night via a chloroform injection to the heart. Moreover, he unnecessarily amputated limbs and he experimented on pregnant women before sending them to the Auschwitz gas chambers.

References:

  1. Edward Jenner and the Smallpox Vaccine, Posted on the blog September 16, 2014.
  2.  Pennhurst Asylum: The Shame of Pennsylvania, weirnj.com/stories/pennhurst-asylum/
  3.  Jonas Salk and Albert Sabin: One of the Great Rivalries of Medical Science, Posed on the blog March 27, 2014.
  4.  Oshinsky D, Polio: An American Story, Oxford University Press, 2005.
  5. The Struggle Against Yellow Fever: Featuring Walter Reed and Max Theiler, Posted on the blog May 13, 2014.
  6.  Koprowski H, Jervis GA, and Norton TW. Immune response in human volunteers upon oral administration of a rodent-adapted strain of poliomyelitis virus. American Journal of Hygiene, 1952, 55:108-126.
  7.  Fox M, Hilary Koprowski, Who Developed First Live-Virus Polio Vaccine Dies at 96, N.Y. Times, April 20, 2013.
  8. Maurice Hilleman: Unsung Giant of Vaccinology, Posted on the blog April 14, 2014.
  9. Beecher HK. Ethics and clinical research. The New England Journal of Medicine, 1966, 274:1354–1360.
  10.  Baruch Blumberg: The Hepatitis B Virus and Vaccine, Posted on the blog June 2, 2016.
  11.  Robinson WM, The Hepatitis Experiments at the Willowbrook State School. science.jburrougs.org/mbahe/BioEthics/Articles/WillowbrookRobinson2008.pdf
  12. Ward R, Krugman S, Giles JP, Jacobs AM, Bodansky O. Infectious hepatitis: Studies of its natural history and prevention. The New England Journal of Medicine, 1958, 258:407-416.
  13.  Ethical Conduct of Clinical Research Involving Children. http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/books/NBK25549/

 

 

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Ernest Goodpasture and the Egg in the Flu Vaccine

There is a cautionary note on the info sheet accompanying the influenza vaccine, which advises individuals who are allergic to eggs to speak with their doctors before receiving the vaccine. As most readers know, the reason for the warning is that the usual flu vaccine is grown in embryonated chicken eggs.

[Aside 1: The current trivalent influenza vaccine is prepared by inoculating separate batches of fertile chicken eggs; each with one of the three influenza strains (representing an H1N1, an H3N2, and a B strain) recommended by the WHO for the upcoming winter flu season. The monovalent viral yields are then combined to make the trivalent vaccine.]

But, why chicken eggs, and how did this state of affairs come to be? The backdrop to this tale is that until the third decade of the twentieth century, virologists were still searching for fruitful means to cultivate viruses outside of a live laboratory animal. This was so despite the fact that, as early as 1907, researchers had been developing procedures for maintaining viable tissues in culture. And, soon afterwards, virologists began to adapt tissue cultures as substrates for propagating viruses.

Yet as late as 1930, there were still only two antiviral vaccines—the smallpox vaccine developed by Edward Jenner in 1798 (1) and the rabies vaccine developed by Louis Pasteur in 1885. Bearing in mind that Jenner’s vaccine preceded the germ-theory of disease by a half century, and that Pasteur’s vaccine came 15 years before the actual discovery of viruses (as microbial agents that are distinct from bacteria), the development of these first two viral vaccines was fortunate indeed (2).

The principal factor holding up the development of new viral vaccines was that viruses, unlike bacteria, could not be propagated in pure culture. Instead, for reasons not yet understood, viruses could replicate only within a suitable host. And, notwithstanding early attempts to propagate viruses in tissue culture (reviewed below), developments had not yet reached a stage where that approach was fruitful enough to generate a vaccine. How then were Jenner and Pasteur able to produce their vaccines? See Aside 2 for the answers.

[Aside 2: Jenner, without any awareness of the existence of infectious microbes, obtained his initial inoculate by using a lance to pierce a cowpox postule on the wrist of a young milkmaid, Sarah Nelmes. Jenner then propagated the vaccine, while also transmitting immunity, by direct person-to-person transfer. (The rationale underlying Jenner’s vaccine, and his story, is told in detail in reference 1.)

Jenner’s live cowpox vaccine protected against smallpox because cowpox, which produces a relatively benign infection in humans, is immunologically cross-reactive with smallpox. Thus, inoculating humans with cowpox induces immunity that is active against cowpox and against smallpox as well. Jenner’s discovery of the smallpox vaccine, while not entirely fortuitous, was still providential, since immunity per se, as well as microbes, were unknown in Jenner’s day.

Following a successful worldwide vaccination program, smallpox was officially declared to be eradicated in 1977. The smallpox vaccine currently stockpiled in the United States contains live vaccinia; a virus that is immunologically related to cowpox and smallpox. Like cowpox, vaccinia causes a mild infection in humans.

The existing smallpox vaccine was grown in the skin of calves. It is now more than 40 years old and has not been used for years, but it is still believed to be effective.

Pasteur (probably the greatest and most famous microbiologist) was a pioneer of the germ theory of disease. Yet he developed his rabies vaccine more than a decade before the discovery of viruses. He did so by applying the same principle that he used earlier to produce a vaccine against cholera. That is, he “attenuated” the rabies agent. He began with virus that was contained in an extract from a rabid dog. Pasteur attenuated the virus for humans by successively passing extracts in the spinal cords of live rabbits, and then aging the last extracts in the series. Modern rabies vaccines are generally killed virus vaccines, prepared by chemically inactivating tissue culture lysates.]

In the years following the pioneering 19th century contributions of Pasteur, Koch, and Lister, and with the widespread acceptance of the germ theory of disease, microbiologists (that is, bacteriologists) appreciated the importance of working with “pure cultures” that could be grown in a sterilized medium. Yet this was proving to be impossible in the case of viruses. Moreover, as late as the 1930s, it was not understood why that should be so

At the very least, virologists would have liked to be able to cultivate viruses outside of a living animal host. The possibility of achieving that goal began to emerge when Ross G. Harrison, working at Johns Hopkins in 1907, became the first researcher to maintain bits of viable tissue outside of an animal. Harrison maintained frog neuroblasts in hanging drops of lymph medium. What’s more, under those conditions, the neuroblasts gave rise to outgrowths of nerve fibers.

In 1913, Edna Steinhardt became the first researcher to cultivate (or at least maintain) a virus (cowpox) in a tissue culture. Steinhardt did this by infecting hanging-drop cultures with corneal extracts from the eyes of cowpox-infected rabbits and guinea pigs. However, there was no methodology at the time for Steinhardt to determine whether the virus might have replicated in her tissue cultures.

In 1912, Alexis Carrel, working at the Rockefeller Institute, began a two-decade-long experiment that significantly increased interest in tissue culture. Carrel maintained tissue fragments from an embryonic chicken heart in a closed flask, which he regularly supplied with fresh nutrients. Later, he claimed that he maintained the viability of the culture for more than 20 years; well beyond the normal lifespan of a chicken. See Aside 3.

[Aside 3: Carrel’s experimental results could never be reproduced. In fact, in the 1960s, Leonard Hayflick and Paul Moorhead made the important discovery that differentiated cells can undergo only a limited number of divisions in culture before undergoing senescence and dying. It is not known how Carrel obtained his anomalous results. But, Carrel was an honored, if controversial scientist, having been awarded the 1912 Nobel Prize in Physiology or Medicine for pioneering vascular suturing techniques. In the 1930s Carrel developed an intriguing and close friendship with Charles Lindbergh, which began when Lindbergh sought out Carrel to see if Carrel might help Lindbergh’s sister, whose heart was damaged by rheumatic fever. Carrel could not help Lindbergh’s sister, but Lindbergh helped Carrel build the first perfusion pump, which laid the groundwork for open heart surgery and organ transplants. Carrel and Lindbergh also co-authored a book, The Culture of Organs. In the 1930s, Carrel, promoted enforced eugenics. During the Second World War, Carrel, who was French by birth, helped the Vichy French government put eugenics policies into practice. Moreover, he praised the eugenics policies of the Third Reich, leading to inconclusive investigations into whether he collaborated with the Nazis. Carrel died in November, 1944.]

In 1925 Frederic Parker and Robert Nye, at the Boston City Hospital, provided the first conclusive evidence for viral growth in a tissue culture. The virus was a strain of herpes simplex, which Parker and Nye received in the form of an extract from Ernest Goodpasture; soon to be the major character in our story. Parker and Nye established their first culture from the brain of a rabbit that was inoculated intracerebrally with an extract from an infected rabbit brain. The animal was sacrificed when in a convulsive state, and its brain was then removed aseptically. Small pieces of normal rabbit testes were added to pieces of brain in the cultures, to provide another potential host cell for the virus. Virus multiplication was demonstrated by inoculating diluents of subculture extracts into laboratory animals. A 1:50,000 diluent was able to transmit the infection.

At this point in our chronology, the pathologist Ernest Goodpasture, and the husband-wife team of Alice and Eugene Woodruff, enters our story. Goodpasture’s principal interest was then, as always, in pathology. He became interested in viruses while he was serving as a Navy doctor during World War I. But his focus was on the pathology of the 1918 influenza pandemic, which he studied in the first sailors stricken by the infection (3). He was later interested in herpetic encephalitis, and in how rabies virus made its way to the central nervous system, but always from the perspective of a pathologist.

Ernest Goodpasture. (I was unable to find a picture of Alice Woodruff.)
Ernest Goodpasture. (I was unable to find a picture of Alice Woodruff.)

In 1927, Eugene Woodruff was a newly graduated physician who joined Goodpasture in the Pathology Department at Vanderbilt University for training as a pathologist. Eugene’s wife, Alice, a Ph.D., came to the Vanderbilt Pathology Department a year later, as a research fellow in Goodpasture’s laboratory.

Goodpasture set Eugene Woodruff to work on fowlpox; a relative of smallpox, which, unlike cowpox, can not infect humans. Goodpasture was interested in the cellular pathology of fowlpox infection; specifically, in the nature of the inclusion bodies seen in fowlpox-infected cells. Using a micropipette, Woodruff was able to pick single inclusion bodies from infected chicken cells, and to then determine that inclusion bodies are intracellular crystalline arrays of the virus.

More apropos to our story, in the late 1920s, virologists still could not generate large amounts of virus that were free of bacteria and contaminating tissue elements. For that reason, Goodpasture believed that future important advancements in virology would require the development of methods to grow large amounts of virus in pure culture; an impossible goal. In any case, Goodpasture delegated Alice Woodruff to develop a method for growing fowlpox outside of a live chicken.

Goodpasture had already adapted Carrel’s tissue culture methods, which he used to maintain chick kidney tissue in culture. So, Alice’s first experiments were attempts to get fowlpox to propagate in cultures of chick kidney tissue. However, the virus stubbornly declined to grow in the tissue cultures. Goodpasture then suggested to Alice that she try to grow the virus in embryonated chicken eggs. But why did Goodpasture make that suggestion?

The answer isn’t clear. But, back in 1910, Peyton Rous and colleague James Murphy, at the Rockefeller Institute, fruitfully made use of fertile chick eggs to cultivate a virus, as described in Aside 4. However, Rous’ accomplishments, which eventually would be recognized as huge, were largely ignored for the next 50 or so years. (The reasons are discussed in reference 4.) Goodpasture may well have been unaware of Rous’ earlier work when he suggested to Alice that she try to cultivate fowlpox in chicken eggs. If so, then his suggestion to Alice may have been an original idea on his part, perhaps inspired by his thinking of the chick embryo as a sterile substrate that is enclosed in a naturally sterile container. On the other hand, he and Alice did note the earlier work of Rous and Murphy in the 1931 report of their own work. (In that paper, they state: “The production of experimental infection in the chorio-allantoic membrane has, however, been done only in the one instance where Rous and Murphy grew the virus of the Rous sarcoma.”). In any case, the chick embryo method for growing viruses had lain dormant for twenty years.

[Aside 4: Rous and Murphy cut a small window into the shells of six-to-sixteen-day-old embryonated chicken eggs, and then placed a bit of a filtered, cell-free extract from a chicken sarcoma into each. By one week’s time there was a tumor mass growing in each of the inoculated embryos. These studies led to Rous’ 1911 report of a filterable, infectious agent, eventually named the Rous sarcoma virus, which causes sarcomas in chickens. The Rous sarcoma virus was the first virus known to cause solid tumors and, moreover, it was the prototype of a virus family that eventually would be known as the retroviruses (4).]

Alice Woodruff’s procedure for infecting the chicken eggs began with her making a small window in the egg shell, at the site of the air sac. (An egg cup served as the operating table, and the window was cut with a dentist’s drill.) She then inoculated the viral extract into the outermost layer of the chorio-allantoic membrane, which encloses the embryo and provides an air channel into its body. Alice then closed the window with a piece of glass, held in place with Vaseline.

Alice tried to maintain sterility at all stages of her procedure. Yet despite the elegance of her techniques, she had nothing to show for these efforts except dead embryos that were overgrown with mold or bacteria. She then turned to her husband, Eugene, who was working in a separate laboratory, down the hall from her lab.

Alice and Eugene, working together, developed procedures to sterilely remove fowlpox lesions from the heads of chicks. In brief, the chick heads were shaved and then bathed in alcohol. Then, the lesions were excised with sterile instruments. Next, the excised lesions were tested for bacterial or fungal contamination by incubating fragments in nutrient broth. If a lesion was sterile by that test, it was deemed fit to be inoculated into the eggs.

Eugene further contributed to the effort by applying a technique that he developed earlier; picking out individual inclusion bodies from fowlpox-infected cells. When he discovered that the inclusion bodies could be disrupted into individual virus particles by incubating them in trypsin, he was able to provide Alice with virtually pure virus that she could inoculate the eggs with.

As Greer Williams relates in Virus Hunters (5): “Then, one morning when she peeked into the window of an egg that had been incubating for about a week after she had infected it with the virus, she saw something different. This chick embryo was still alive…She removed the embryo from the shell and examined it. It had a swollen claw. ‘Could this be due to fowlpox infection?’…She went to Goodpasture and put the same question to him…”

In Alice’s own words, “I can’t forget the thrill of that moment when Dr. Goodpasture came into my lab, and we stood by the hood where the incubator was installed and I showed him this swollen claw from the inoculated embryo (5).”

The swollen claw indeed resulted from the fowlpox infection. This was shown by the fact that when bits of the swollen tissue were transferred to other embryos, they in turn induced more swollen tissue. Moreover, these swollen tissues contained fowlpox inclusion bodies. Additionally, when transferred to adult chickens, those bits of swollen tissue produced typical fowlpox lesions.

During the next year, Goodpasture, Alice Woodruff, and Gerritt Budding (a lab assistant, who dropped out of medical school to participate in the chick embryo work) reported that cowpox and herpes simplex viruses could also be grown in the embryonated chicken eggs.

Later studies by Goodpasture and Buddingh showed that each embryonated chicken egg could produce enough vaccinia to produce more than 1,000 doses of smallpox vaccine. They also showed, in a case-study involving 1,074 individuals, that the chick-grown smallpox vaccine works as well in humans as the vaccine produced by inoculating the skin of calves. Regardless, the chick vaccine never caught on to replace the long-established, but cruder calf-grown vaccine (see Aside 2).

Goodpasture placed Alice’s name ahead of his own on their report describing the propagation of fowlpox in chicken eggs. Alice says that Goodpasture was “over-generous” in that regard. Howevever, much of the day-to-day lab work resulted from her initiatives. Eugene’s name also came before Goodpasture’s on the report describing the inclusion body study.

Shortly after completing these studies, Alice left research to raise a family. Eugene’s name also disappeared from the virus literature. But in his case that was because his interests turned to tuberculosis.

In 1932, soon after the above breakthroughs in Godpasture’s laboratory,  Max Theiler and Eugen Haagen developed their yellow fever vaccine (6), which initially was generated in embryo tissue from mice and chickens. But, starting in 1937, production of the yellow fever vaccine was switched to the embryonated egg method, in part, to “cure” the live yellow fever vaccine of its neurotropic tendencies.

Recall our introductory comments regarding the warning that individuals allergic to eggs should get medical advice before receiving the standard flu vaccine. In 1941, Thomas Francis, at the University of Michigan, used embryonated chicken eggs to produce the first influenza vaccine (see Asides 5 and 6). Remarkably, even today, in the era of recombinant DNA and proteomics, this seemingly quaint procedure is still the preferred means for producing the standard trivalent flu vaccine (see Aside 1).

[Aside 5: Thomas Francis produced his 1941influenza vaccine in response to urging by U.S. Armed Forces Epidemiological Board. With the Second World War underway in Europe and Asia, and with the 1918 influenza pandemic in mind, there was fear that if an influenza epidemic were to emerge during the upcoming winter, it might impede the military training that might be necessary. An epidemic did not materialize that winter, but the vaccine was ready, and we were at war.]

[Aside 6: Thomas Francis was one of the great pioneers of medical virology. The same year that he developed his flu vaccine, Jonas Salk (recently graduated from NYU medical school) came to his laboratory for postgraduate studies. Francis taught Salk his methodology for vaccine development, which ultimately enabled Salk to develop his polio vaccine (7).]

Next, Hillary Koprowski developed a safer, less painful and more effective rabies vaccine that is grown in duck eggs, and that is still widely used. Why duck eggs? The reason is that duck eggs require four weeks to hatch, instead of the three weeks required by chicken eggs. So, duck eggs give the slow-growing rabies virus more time to replicate.

By any measure, the procedures for growing viruses in embryonated chicken eggs, developed by Ernest Goodpasture and Alice Woodruff, were a major step forward in vaccine development. Sir Macfarlane Burnet (a Nobel laureate for his work on immunological tolerance) commented 25 years later, “Nearly all the later practical advances in the control of viral diseases of man and animals sprang from this single discovery.”

Addendum 1: Several major advances in cell and tissue culture (the other means for growing viruses outside of an animal) happened after Woodruff and Goopasture reported the development of their embryonated egg method in 1931. For the sake of completeness, several of these are noted.

In 1933, George Gey, at Johns Hopkins, developed the roller tube technique, in which the tissue is placed in a bottle that is laid on its side and continuously rotated around its cylindrical axis. In that way, the media continually circulates around the tissue. Compared to the older process of growing tissues in suspension, the roller culture method allowed the prolonged maintenance of the tissues in an active state and, consequently, the growth of large amounts of virus. The roller tube technique also works very well for cell cultures that attach to the sides of the bottle. [Incidentally, Gey is probably best known for having established the HeLa line of human carcinoma cells from cancer patient, Henrietta Lacks. HeLa cells comprise the first known human immortal cell line and they have served as one of the most important tools for medical research. (See The Immortal Life of Henrietta Lacks, by Rebecca Skloot, 2010.)]

In 1948, John Enders, and colleagues Thomas Weller and Frederick Robbins, used Gey’s methods, to demonstrate for the first time that poliovirus could be grown in non-nervous tissue. This was significant because the potential hazard of injecting humans with nervous tissue was holding up the development of a polio vaccine.

Next, Renato Dulbecco and Marguerite Vogt, working at Caltech, developed procedures to grow large amounts poliovirus in cell culture, adding to the feasibility of an eventual polio vaccine (8). Additionally, Dulbecco and Vogt developed a plaque assay procedure to measure the titer of animal viruses grown in cell culture (7).

Addendum 2: The following excerpt tells of the chance encounter that led Howard Temin to become a virologist (4). Temin was the Nobel laureate who first proposed the retroviral strategy of replication, and who co-discovered reverse transcriptase.

“Howard Temin began working on Rous sarcoma virus in the 1950s, while a graduate student in Renato Dulbecco’s laboratory at Caltech (see reference 7 for more on Dulbecco). However, he worked under the direct supervision of Harry Rubin, an early star in the field, who was, at the time, a postdoctoral fellow in the Dulbecco lab. Nothing was known as yet about the replication of the RNA tumor viruses, as the retroviruses were then known. Moreover, little more was known about the molecular basis of cancer in the 1950s than was known in 1911, when Rous first isolated his virus; a state of affairs that would be much alleviated by future studies of the oncogenic retroviruses.

Rubin was a veterinarian by training, perhaps accounting for his somewhat unique appreciation of an oncogenic virus of chickens, well after even Rous himself had lost interest. And, Rubin was responsible for introducing other young investigators to the RNA tumor virus field, both at Caltech and later at UC Berkely.

Rubin’s mentorship of Temin began somewhat fortuitously, as follows. When they first met, Temin was actually doing his graduate research in another laboratory at Caltech, looking into the embryology of the innkeeper worm, Urechis caupo. But he was also serving as a laboratory assistant in the Caltech general biology course. In that capacity, he was dispatched to Dulbecco’s laboratory to obtain some fertilized chicken eggs for use in the general biology lab. Harry Rubin supplied the chicken eggs. But the chance visit from Temin gave Rubin the opportunity to tell Temin about the chicken sarcoma viruses that were being studied in the Dulbecco laboratory.

Rubin had just recently found that he could induce the neoplastic transformation of a normal chicken cell with a single Rous sarcoma virus particle. He then demonstrated that the transformed cell produced hundreds more transformed daughter cells in a week’s time. During their chance conversation, Rubin suggested to Temin that he (Temin) might make use of that observation to develop a quantitative tissue culture assay for Rous sarcoma virus. Sufficiently intrigued by Rubin’s proposition, Temin switched from embryology to virology and proceeded to develop a focus-forming cell culture assay for Rous sarcoma virus; an assay analogous in principle to a plaque assay. But instead of forming plaques of dead cells, the non-cytocidal Rous sarcoma virus induces the growth of visible foci of morphologically transformed neoplastic cells.”

[Addendum 3: Today, viruses are usually cultivated in readily available continuous cell lines. That said, when I first entered the field in 1970, as a postdoctoral studying the murine polyomavirus, my first task of the week was to prepare the baby-mouse-kidney and mouse-embryo primary cell cultures, which at that time served as the cellular host for that virus. This rather unpleasant chore was a reason I eventually turned to SV40, since I could grow that virus in continuous lines of monkey kidney cells.

References:

1. Edward Jenner and the Smallpox Vaccine, posted on the blog September 16, 2014.

2. Leonard C. Norkin, Virology: Molecular Biology and Pathogenesis, ASM Press, 2010. Chapter 1 tells how viruses were discovered and how their distinctive nature was brought to light.

3. Opening Pandora’s Box: Resurrecting the 1918 Influenza Pandemic Virus and Transmissible H5N1 Bird Flu, posted on the blog April 15, 2014.

4. Howard Temin: “In from the Cold,” posted on the blog December 14, 2013.

5. Greer Williams, Virus Hunters, Alfred A. Knopf, 1960.

6. The Struggle Against Yellow Fever: Featuring Walter Reed and Max Theiler, posted on the blog May 12, 2014.

7. Renato Dulbecco and the Beginnings of Quantitative Animal Virology, posted on the blog December 3, 2013.

8. Jonas Salk and Albert Sabin: One of the Great Rivalries of Medical Science, posted on the blog March 27, 2014.

The Struggle Against Yellow Fever: Featuring Walter Reed and Max Theiler

The first part of this posting tells how a U.S. Army medical board, headed by Walter Reed, confirmed that the transmission of yellow fever requires a mosquito vector. The second part tells the story of the yellow fever vaccine developed by Max Theiler.

Bearing in mind the enormous benefit to mankind of the polio vaccines developed by Jonas Salk and Albert Sabin (1), and that Maurice Hilleman developed nearly 40 vaccines, including those for measles, mumps, and rubella (2), it would appear remarkable that Theiler was the only one of these four individuals to be recognized by the Nobel committee. In fact, Theiler’s 1951 Nobel award was the only one ever given for a vaccine! In any case, while Theiler’s vaccine was a major step forward in the fight against yellow fever, it came after a perhaps more dramatic episode in the struggle against that malady. But first, we begin with some background.

Yellow fever was another of mankind’s great scourges. Indeed, it was once the most feared infectious disease in the United States. And, while we might want to say that science has “conquered” yellow fever, that statement would not be entirely accurate. Unlike polio and measles, which have nearly been eradicated by the vaccines against them, that is not so for yellow fever. The reason is as follows. Humans are the only host for polio and measles viruses. Consequently, those viruses might be completely eradicated if a sufficient percentage of humans were to comply with vaccination regimens. In contrast, the yellow fever virus infects monkeys that range over thousands of square miles in Africa and the Amazon jungle. Thus, even with massive vaccination of humans, it would be impossible to eliminate the yellow fever virus from the world.

According to the World Health Organization’s estimates, there are still about 200,000 cases of yellow fever per year, resulting in about 30,000 deaths, about 90% of which occur in Africa. The yellow fever virus itself is the prototype virus of the flavivirus family of single-stranded RNA viruses, which also includes dengue hemorrhagic fever virus, Japanese encephalitis virus, and West Nile encephalitis virus, among others.

yellow fever map

Yellow fever is somewhat unique among the viral hemorrhagic fevers in that the liver is the major target organ. Consequently, the severe form of yellow fever infection is characterized by hemorrhage of the liver and severe jaundice. But, as in infections caused by other virulent viruses, most cases of yellow fever are mild.

Interestingly, the name “yellow fever” does not have its origin in the yellowing of the skin and eyes that is characteristic of severe disease. Instead, it has its origin in the term “yellow jack,” which refers to the yellow flag that was flown in port to warn approaching ships of the presence of infectious disease.

Yellow fever originated in Africa. It is believed to have been brought to the New World by slave ships in the year 1596. As noted above (and discussed below), yellow fever transmission, from an infected individual or primate to an uninfected one, requires a specific vector, the Aedes aegypti mosquito. The sailing ships of the day inadvertently transported the disease across oceans via the mosquito larvae in their water casks.

Before getting to our stories proper, we note a pair of intriguing instances in which yellow fever profoundly affected New World history. In the first of these, yellow fever was a key factor that led Napoleon to sell the Louisiana Territory to the United States in 1803; an act that doubled the size of the United States. It happened as follows. After Napoleon seized power in France, he reinstated slavery in the French colony of Saint Domingue (now Haiti); doing so for the benefit of the French plantation owners there. In response, the rather remarkable Toussaint Breda (later called Toussaint L’Ouverture, and sometimes the “black Napoleon”) led a slave revolt against the plantation owners. In turn, in February 1802, Napoleon dispatched an expeditionary force of about 65,000 men to Haiti to put down the revolt. The rebellious slaves, many fewer in number than the French, cleverly retreated to the hills, believing that the upcoming yellow fever season would wreak havoc on the French force. And, they were correct. By November 1803, the French lost 50,000 of the original 65,000 men to yellow fever and malaria. Thus, in 1804, Napoleon had to allow Haiti to proclaim its independence, and then become the second republic in the Western Hemisphere. Moreover, there is evidence suggesting that Napoleon’s actual purpose in dispatching the expeditionary force was to secure control of France’s North American holdings. With his expeditionary force decimated by yellow fever and malaria, that was no longer possible and, consequently, Napoleon sold France’s North American holdings (the Louisiana Purchase) to the United States.

louisiana purchaseThe Louisiana Purchase, in green.

Second, in 1882, France began its attempt to build a canal across the Isthmus of Panama. However, thousands of French workers succumbed to yellow fever, causing France to abandon the project. The United States was able to successfully take up the task in 1904; thanks to the deeds of the individuals in part I of our story, which now begins.

In May 1900, neither the cause of yellow fever, nor its mode of transmission was known. At that time, U.S. Army surgeon, Major Walter Reed, was appointed president of a U.S. Army medical board assigned to study infectious diseases in Cuba, with particular emphasis on yellow fever. Cuba was then thought to be a major source of yellow fever epidemics in the United States; a belief that was said to have been a factor in the American annexation of Cuba.

ReedMajor Walter Reed

When Reed’s board began its inquiry, a prevailing hypothesis was that yellow fever might be caused by the bacterium Bacillus icteroides. However the board was unable to find any evidence in support of that notion.

Another hypothesis, which was advanced by Cuban physician Dr. Carlos Juan Finlay, suggested that whatever the infectious yellow fever agent might be, transmission to humans requires a vector; specifically, the mosquito now known as Aedes aegypti. Reed was sympathetic to this idea because he noticed that people who ministered to yellow fever patients had no increased risk of contracting the disease, which indicated to Reed that people did not pass yellow fever directly from one to another.

Reed, as president of the medical board, is generally given major credit for unraveling the epidemiology of yellow fever. Yet there were other heroes in this story as well. Finlay, whose advice and experience were invaluable to Reed’s board, was one. He was the object of much ridicule for championing the mosquito hypothesis, at a time when there little evidence that might support it. In any case, Reed, in his journal articles and personal correspondences, gave full credit to Finlay for the mosquito hypothesis.

Acting Assistant Surgeon Major James Carroll was another hero. As a member of Reed’s board, Carroll volunteered to be bitten and, promptly, developed yellow fever. Major Jesse Lazear, also a board member, asked Private William Dean if he might be willing to be bitten. Dean consented, and he too contracted yellow fever. Fortunately, Dean and Carroll each recovered. Not so for Lazear. After allowing himself to be bitten, he died after several days of delirium.

Lazear’s contribution to gaining recognition of the mosquito hypothesis went significantly beyond his tragic martyrdom. When Reed examined Lazear’s notebook after his death, Reed found that it contained several key observations. First, Lazear had carefully documented that in order for a mosquito to be infected; it had to bite a yellow fever patient within the first three days of the patient’s illness. Second, twelve days then had to elapse before the virus could reach high enough levels in the insect’s salivary glands to be transmitted to a new victim.

The observations of the board, up to then, convinced Reed and the others that the mosquito hypothesis indeed was correct. Yet Reed knew that more extensive controlled experiments would be needed to convince the medical community. So, he directly supervised those experiments, which involved twenty-four more volunteers, each of whom may rightly be considered a hero.

Just as Reed benefited from Finlay’s insights, William C. Gorgas, Surgeon General of the U.S. Army, applied the findings of Reed’s board to develop vector control measures to combat urban yellow fever; first in Florida, then in Havana, Cuba, and next in Panama, where those measures enabled the United States to complete the canal in 1914. The last urban yellow fever outbreak in the United States occurred in New Orleans in 1905, and the last in the New World occurred in 1999 in Bolivia.

The vector control strategy works for urban yellow fever because the Aedes aegypti mosquitoes have a very short flight range and, consequently, the female mosquito does not stray far from the source of her blood meal before laying her eggs. Thus, it is only necessary to control the vector population in the immediate vicinity of human habitation. In practice, this is accomplished by draining potential mosquito breeding sites such as swamps and ditches, and destroying water-collecting objects such as discarded tires.

After Reed’s board was disbanded, he made yet another key contribution to the wiping out of yellow fever. The focus of the board had been on the means of yellow fever transmission; not with the infectious agent itself. In 1901, at the suggestion of William Welch, an eminent Johns Hopkins pathologist, Reed and James Carroll (who nearly died of yellow fever after being experimentally infected while in Cuba), asked whether yellow fever might be caused by a filterable virus. Indeed, they found that they could infect volunteers by inoculating them with filtered serum taken from yellow fever patients. What’s more, theirs was the very first demonstration of a human illness being caused by a filterable agent. That is, yellow fever was the first human illness shown to be caused by a virus. [Pasteur developed an attenuated rabies vaccine in 1885, more than a decade before the discovery of viruses. Remarkably, this most brilliant of experimentalists did not recognize that he was dealing with a previously unknown, fundamentally distinct type of infectious agent; the topic of a future posting.]

[Aside: Walter Reed spent the early years of his Army career at different posts in the American west. The Mount Vernon Barracks in Alabama, which served as a prison for captured Apache Native Americans, including Geronimo, was a particularly interesting stop for Reed. Captain Walter Reed, serving as post surgeon in the 1880s, looked after Geronimo and his followers.]

Part II of this posting concerns the development of Max Theiler’s yellow fever vaccine. But first, here is a bit more background.

Vector control measures ended yellow fever epidemics in most, but not all urban centers worldwide. Outbreaks have not occurred in the United States for more than a century. However, jungle yellow fever still persists in areas of Sub-Saharan Africa and, to a lesser extent, in tropical South America. Individuals who are infected in the jungle by wild mosquitoes can then carry the virus to densely populated urban areas, where Aedes aegypti mosquitoes can transmit the virus from one individual to another. [Vector-mediated, human-to-human transmission happens because the level of yellow fever virus in the blood of an infected person becomes high enough for the infected person to transmit the virus to a biting mosquito. In this regard, the yellow fever virus is an exception to the generalization that humans are a “dead end” host for arthropod-borne (arbo) viruses.]

Fortunately, people who live in high risk areas for yellow fever can be protected by vaccination. Indeed, the World Health Organization’s strategy for preventing yellow fever epidemics in high risk areas is, first, to mass immunize the population, and then to routinely immunize infants. [Vaccinated American or European visitors to West Africa or the Amazon need not be concerned about yellow fever. However, the risk to an unvaccinated person of acquiring yellow fever during a two-week stay at the height of the transmission season (July through October), is estimated to be 5%. Individuals wanting to enter or return from countries where yellow fever is endemic may need to show a valid certificate of vaccination. ]

Part II of our story, concerning Max Theiler and the development of the yellow fever vaccine now begins.

Even as late as the 1920s, some reputable bacteriologists remained unconvinced by the earlier findings of Reed and Carroll that yellow fever is caused by a filterable agent. Instead, they persisted in the belief that the illness is caused by a bacterium. The notion of a bacterial etiology for yellow fever was finally put to rest after A. H. Mahaffy in 1927 discovered that the yellow fever agent could be propagated and cause illness in Asian rhesus monkeys. With an experimental animal now at hand, yellow fever workers were able to prove conclusively that the disease is caused by a virus. [Mahaffy drew the virus he used in his experiments from a 28-year-old African man named Asibi, who was mildly sick with yellow fever. That isolate, referred to as the Asibi strain, will play an important role later in this anecdote.]

Regardless of the significance of the discovery that the yellow fever virus could be propagated in rhesus monkeys, Max Theiler had to contend with the fact that these monkeys were quite expensive; especially for a not yet established young investigator. [They cost the then princely sum of about $7.00 apiece.] As for mice, while they could be bred for pennies apiece, other researchers were not able infect them via the usual practice of inoculating them under the skin or in the abdomen. However, Theiler took a cue from Pasteur’s inability to propagate the rabies virus in laboratory rabbits until he put the virus directly into their brains. Thus, in 1929 Theiler attempted to do the same with yellow fever virus in mice.

TheilerlMax Theiler

Theiler’s attempts to infect the mice by intracranial injection were a success. All of the inoculated mice died within several days. Surprisingly, the dead mice did not display the liver or renal pathology characteristic of yellow fever. Instead, the mice appeared to have succumbed to inflammation of their brains. Thus, the yellow fever virus appeared to be neurotropic in mice. Also, Theiler himself contracted yellow fever from one of his inoculated mice. He was fortunate to survive.

A fortuitous result of Theiler’s perilous bout with yellow fever was that he had become immune to the virus, as revealed by the presence of antiviral antibodies in his blood. Importantly, Theiler’s acquired immunity to the virus validated the possibility of developing an attenuated yellow fever vaccine. And, in a sense, Theiler was inadvertently the first recipient of the nascent vaccine he soon would be developing.

Theiler also determined that the virus could be passed from one mouse to another. And, while the virus continued to cause encephalitis in mice, it caused yellow fever when inoculated back into monkeys; quite a unique and striking set of findings. But, and crucially significant, while continued passage of the virus in mice led to its increased virulence in those animals, the virus was concurrently losing its virulence in monkeys. [In 1930, Theiler moved from the Harvard University School of Tropical Medicine to the Rockefeller Foundation’s Division of Biological and Medical Research. The Rockefeller Foundation shared facilities with the Rockefeller Institute (now University); although it was otherwise administratively separate from it.]

Since the mouse-passed virus was becoming attenuated in monkeys, Theiler’s belief in the possibility of generating an attenuated yellow fever vaccine was bearing out. However, because the mouse-passed virus remained neurovirulent in mice, Theiler was reluctant to inoculate that virus into humans. In an attempt to solve this problem, Theiler turned from passing the virus in the brains of live mice and, instead, began passing the virus in mouse tissue cultures.

Theiler carried out seventeen different sets of trials to further attenuate the virus. In the 17th of these, Theiler used the wild Asibi strain, isolated earlier by Mahaffy. Initially, this virus was extremely virulent in monkeys, in which it caused severe liver damage. But, after passing the virus from culture to culture several hundred times, over a period of three years, a flask labeled 17D yielded the virus that was to become the famous 17D yellow fever vaccine.

Theiler never gave a satisfactory accounting for the “D” in the “17D” designation, and for what, if anything became of A, B, and C. Regardless, the genesis of 17D was as follows. Theiler initially took an Asibi sample that had been multiplying in mouse embryo tissue and continued passing it in three separate types of minced chicken embryo cultures. One of these sets contained whole minced chicken embryos, and was designated 17D (WC). A second set contained chick embryo brain only, and was designated 17D (CEB). In the third set, the brains and spinal cords were removed from the otherwise whole chick embryo tissue cultures. This set, alone among all the sets, generated an attenuated virus that did not induce encephalitis when injected directly into monkey brains. Indeed, Theiler removed the central nervous systems from the chicken tissue in this set of cultures, in the express hope of generating just such an attenuated virus. And, by hook or by crook, the virus emerging from that particular set of passages became the vaccine that is now known simply as 17D.

Field tests of Theiler’s yellow fever vaccine were underway in 1937 in Brazil, and were successfully completed by 1940. In 1951 Theiler was awarded the Nobel Prize in Physiology or Medicine for developing the vaccine.

Next, we return to a point noted above, and discussed in two earlier postings. Neither Jonas Salk nor Albert Sabin were awarded Nobel prizes for developing their polio vaccines (1). And, Maurice Hilleman was never awarded a Nobel Prize, despite having developed nearly 40 vaccines, including those for measles, mumps, and rubella (2). Indeed, Max Theiler’s Nobel Prize for the yellow fever vaccine was the only Nobel Prize ever awarded for a vaccine! Why was that so?

Alfred Nobel, in his will, specified that the award for Physiology or Medicine shall be for a discovery per se; not for applied research, irrespective of its benefits to humanity. With that criterion in mind, the Nobel committee may have viewed the contributions of Salk and Sabin as derivative, requiring no additional discovery. [Hilleman’s basic discoveries regarding interferon should have been sufficient to earn him the award (2). The slight to him may have been because the Nobel committee was reluctant to give the award to an “industrial” scientist. Hilleman spent the major part of his career at Merck & Co.]

So, what was there about Theiler’s yellow fever vaccine that might be considered a discovery? Hadn’t Pasteur similarly developed an attenuated Rabies vaccine in 1885?

Perhaps the “discovery” was Theiler’s finding that passage of the Asibi strain of yellow fever virus in chick embryo cultures, which were devoid of nervous system tissue, generated attenuated yellow fever virus that was no longer neurovirulent in mice and monkeys. But, consider the following.

Theiler indeed believed that removing the brains and spinal cords from the chick embryo cultures in which 17D had been serially passed was the reason why the virus lost its neurovirulence. Nevertheless, as a serious scientist he needed to confirm this for himself. So, he repeated the long series of viral passages under the same conditions as before. But, this time, there was no loss of neurovirulence. Thus, a cause and effect relationship, between the absence of the brains and spinal cords from the tissue cultures and the emergence of non-neurovirulent virus, was not confirmed.

So, perhaps the Nobel committee merely paid lip service to the directives in Alfred Nobel’s will. In any case, Theiler’s 17D yellow fever vaccine has had a virtually unblemished safety record, and is regarded as one of the safest and most effective live-attenuated viral vaccines ever developed.

Theiler’s unshared 1951 Nobel award paid him $32,000. At the time, he resided in Hastings-on-Hudson; a village in Westchester County, NY, from which he commuted to the Rockefeller labs. Theiler’s next door neighbor in Hastings-on-Hudson was Alvin Dark, the star shortstop of the New York Giants. Nobel laureate Max Theiler was known to fellow commuters from Hastings-on-Hudson as the man who lives next door to Alvin Dark.

Virus Hunters, by Greer Williams (Alfred A, Knoff, 1960) was my major source for the material on Max Theiler.

1. Jonas Salk and Albert Sabin: One of the Great Rivalries of Medical Science. On the blog.

2. Maurice Hilleman: Unsung Giant of Vaccinology. On the blog.